Thurgood Marshall's litigation of Brown v. Board of Education in 1952—the landmark case, decided in 1954, that made segregation illegal in United States public schools—was not his first case before the U.S. Supreme Court. ████ █████ ████████ █████ ████ ███ █████ ██ █████████ ██ ███ █████ ██ ███ ███████ █████ ██████ ███ ██████████ ████████ ███ █████████████ ██ ██████ ███████ ████ █████████ ███████████ ██ ████ █████ ███████████ █████ ██ █████ ██████████ ███ █████ ████████ ██ ███ ███████████ ██ ██████████████ ███████ ███████ █████████ ████ █████ ███ ███ ███ ███████ ██ ██████
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The passage suggests that the ████████ ████████ ██ ██ ███ ███████ █████ ██ ████ ██████ ██ ███████ █████ ███ ██ ███ █████████ ███████████
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Not supported, because we have no evidence of scholars’ belief regarding the potential of political reasons to help overturn “separate but equal.”
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This is the best supported answer, because scholars argue that
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The court did not excuse private dealings from the legal requirement for equal protection in Shelley v. Kraemer. Courts previously excused such dealings from this legal requirement, but Shelley v. Kraemer finally applied equal protection to those private dealings.
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Not supported. Although the scholars believe the data in Shelley v. Kraemer helped prepare the court for similar data in Brown, this doesn’t imply that they think the court would never have used sociological data in the future without Shelley v. Kraemer. It may have taken longer for the court to accept sociological data, but “never” is too extreme.
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Not supported, because we have no reason to think the scholars believe housing discrimination would have been overturned on other grounds. There were no other potential grounds described for overturning housing discrimination.