Self-study
Although philanthropy—the volunteering of private resources for humanitarian purposes—reached its apex in England in the late nineteenth century, modern commentators have articulated two major criticisms of the philanthropy that was a mainstay of England's middle-class Victorian society. The earlier criticism is that such philanthropy was even by the later nineteenth century obsolete, since industrialism had already created social problems that were beyond the scope of small, private voluntary efforts. Indeed, these problems required substantial legislative action by the state. Unemployment, for example, was not the result of a failure of diligence on the part of workers or a failure of compassion on the part of employers, nor could it be solved by well-wishing philanthropists.
The more recent charge holds that Victorian philanthropy was by its very nature a self-serving exercise carried out by philanthropists at the expense of those whom they were ostensibly serving. In this view, philanthropy was a means of flaunting one's power and position in a society that placed great emphasis on status, or even a means of cultivating social connections that could lead to economic rewards. Further, if philanthropy is seen as serving the interests of individual philanthropists, so it may be seen as serving the interests of their class. According to this "social control" thesis, philanthropists, in professing to help the poor, were encouraging in them such values as prudence, thrift, and temperance, values perhaps worthy in themselves but also designed to create more productive members of the labor force. Philanthropy, in short, was a means of controlling the labor force and ensuring the continued dominance of the management class.
Modern critics of Victorian philanthropy often use the words "amateurish" or "inadequate" to describe Victorian philanthropy, as though Victorian charity can only be understood as an antecedent to the era of state-sponsored, professionally administered charity. This assumption is typical of the "Whig fallacy": the tendency to read the past as an inferior prelude to an enlightened present. If most Victorians resisted state control and expended their resources on private, voluntary philanthropies, it could only be, the argument goes, because of their commitment to a vested interest, or because the administrative apparatus of the state was incapable of coping with the economic and social needs of the time.
This version of history patronizes the Victorians, who were in fact well aware of their vulnerability to charges of condescension and complacency, but were equally well aware of the potential dangers of state-managed charity. They were perhaps condescending to the poor, but—to use an un-Victorian metaphor—they put their money where their mouths were, and gave of their careers and lives as well.
22.
According to the passage, which one of the following is true of both modern criticisms made about Victorian philanthropy?
a
Both criticisms attribute dishonorable motives to those privileged individuals who engaged in private philanthropy.
This is true of one of the criticisms, but not both. The criticism that the Victorians were self-serving does attribute dishonorable
b
Both criticisms presuppose that the social rewards of charitable activity outweighed the economic benefits.
Neither criticism compares the social benefits of charity with the economic benefits. The passage is silent on this comparison––we don’t know which benefit was assumed to be more valuable.
c
Both criticisms underemphasize the complacency and condescension demonstrated by the Victorians.
On the contrary, the author implies that the critics
d
Both criticisms suggest that government involvement was necessary to cure social ills.
The criticism that philanthropy was inadequate to handle the social problems of the late nineteenth century clearly
Additionally, P3 supports the claim that both criticisms suggest the necessity of government involvement. Here, the author sets up a
We see here that the critics assume either way that state intervention was necessary, and that the only reasons that the Victorians would resist state control would be because of their selfish personal interests or the failures of the state.
e
Both criticisms take for granted the futility of efforts by private individuals to enhance their social status by means of philanthropy.
Neither criticism assumes that private individuals would fail in their efforts to improve their social status through philanthropy. The criticism in P1 (that philanthropy was inadequate) is silent on the topic of social benefits for individuals, and the criticism in P2