Reformer: A survey of police departments keeps track of the national crime rate, which is the annual number of crimes per 100,000 people. ███ ██████ █████ ██ ███████████ █████████ ██ ███ █████ ████ ██ ███ ████ ██ ██████ ███ ███ ██████████ ██ ███ ██████████ ██ ██████ ███ █████████ ██████████████ ███ ██████ ███████████ ██ ███████ ███ █████ ██ ██ ████████ █████ ████ ████████████ ████ ███████ ████ ██████ ██ ██████ ██████ ████ ██ ██████ ██████
The reformer concludes that imprisoning more people doesn't reduce crime. As support, she cites a survey showing that while prison spending and the percentage of people in prison have increased dramatically over the past 20 years, crime rates have not significantly decreased.
The reformer argues that imprisoning more people doesn’t reduce crime because the crime rate has stayed the same despite more people being imprisoned. She assumes that the crime rate would be the same or lower without those imprisonments, ignoring the possibility that the crime rate might actually have been higher if fewer people were put in prison. If that were the case, it’s not accurate to conclude that putting more people in prison doesn’t reduce crime.
A flaw in the reformer's ████████ ██ ████ ██
infers without justification ████ ███████ ███ ████████ █████ ████ ███ ██████████ ███ ██████ ██ ██████ ████████ ██ ████ ██████ ██████████ ███ █████████
ignores the possibility ████ ███ █████ ████ █████ ████ █████████████ █████████ ██ ██ ███ ███ ████ ███ ███ ███████ ████ ██ ████████████
overlooks the possibility ████ ███ ██████████ ███ █████████ █████████████ ████ ███ ████ ██ █████
presumes, without providing ████████ ████ ███████████ ████████ ███ ████████ █████ █████ ██ ████ █████████ ████ ████████████
takes for granted ████ ███ ██████ ██ █████████ ████ ██ ████████████ ██ ███ ██████ ██ ██████ █████████