This passage is adapted from a review of a 1991 book.
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It can be inferred from ███ ███████ ████ ███████ █████ ████ ████████ █████ ████ █████ ███ ██ ███ █████████ ██████████ █████ ███ ███████ ████████ █████████ █████████ ██ ███ █████ ███ ██████
Some of their ████████ ████ ███████ ██ █████ ██ ███ ███████ ████████ █████████ ██ ███ █████ ███ ██████
Garcia would likely agree with (A), because he presented evidence that the activists of the 1930s and 1940s anticipated some reforms that the activists of the 1960s and 1970s fought for.
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We have no reason to think Garcia thinks the activists of the 1930s and 1940s were more politically diverse. Although Garcia does point out that the earlier activists anticipated some of the reforms proposed by later activists, this doesn’t suggest anything about the comparative level of political diversity among earlier and later activists.
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We have no reason to think Garcia thinks the activists of the 1930s and 1940s were as militant as later activists. Although Garcia does point out that the earlier activists anticipated some of the reforms proposed by later activists, this doesn’t suggest that the earlier activists were just as militant. Notice that the author describes the later activists as “more militant” — although it’s not clear that Garcia agrees with that description, we have no reason to think he disagrees.
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We know the Congress of Spanish Speaking People advocated bilingual education. We don’t know whether over half of activists from the 1930s and 1940s were part of the Congress.
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Actually, Garcia believes the earlier activists were focused “on liberal reform, not revolution.”
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