After the Second World War, the charter of the newly formed United Nations established an eleven-member Security Council and charged it with taking collective action in response to threats to world peace. ███ ███████ ███████ ████████ ████ ███ ████ ███████ ████ ████ ████ ███ █████ ██████ █████ ███████████ ████ ████ █████████ ██ ████ ███████ ███ ██████ █████ ███ ████ ███████████ ███ ████ ███ ██████ ██ ███████████ █████ █████ █████ ████ ██ ███ ███████ █████ ███████ ███ ██ ██████ ██████ ██ ████████ ██ ██████ ███ ██████ ██ █████████ █ ████████ ██ █████ ██████████
The Security Council’s structure gives permanent veto power to only those nations that were major powers at the end of World War II. The reason is that major powers are the ones responsible for keeping world peace, and they shouldn’t be made to enforce decisions that they strongly disagree with.
The support says why any major power should have veto powers. But there’s no explanation for why only the major powers at the end of World War II should have those veto powers, or why they should have them permanently. By the argument’s premises, any new major powers should also be given veto powers, and if one of the original five ceased to be a major power, there would be no more reason for it to have veto powers.
The reasoning must assume both that no new major powers will arise and that none of the original five will cease to be a major power.
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