Public health experts have waged a long-standing educational campaign to get people to eat more vegetables, which are known to help prevent cancer. ██████████████ ███ ████████ ███ ███ ██████ ██████ ██ ████████ ██████ ███ ██████ ██ ████████ ████ ████ ██████ ██████ ███████ ███ █████ ██ ████ ███████████ █████ ███ ████████ █████ ████████ ██ ████ █████████ ██ ██ ████████ ███████████ ██ ████ ██ ████ ██████████ ████ ███████████
The author hypothesizes that the campaign to increase vegetable intake would have been more successful if it discussed how to make vegetables taste better. This is based on the phenomenon that the campaign was ineffective, which led the author to the sub-conclusion that its ineffectiveness was because people don’t like how vegetables taste.
The author assumes causation from correlation. Specifically, the author assumes that there isn’t another reason why the campaign was ineffective—maybe it was underfunded or poorly planned, and its ineffectiveness was not because people don’t like the taste of vegetables.
Which one of the following, ██ █████ ████ ███████████ ███ █████████
The campaign to ███ ██████ ██ ███ ████ ██████████ ███ ███ ██████ ██████ ██ ███ █████ ██ ████ ██████ ███ ████ ███ █████ ██ ███████████
This does not affect the argument. We already know that the campaign had little impact on all people’s diets, including those who like vegetables. The author argues that it would be more successful if it targeted those who don’t like the taste of vegetables effectively.
Some ways of ██████ ██████████ ████ ██████████ ████████ ███████████ ███████ ██ ████ ███████ ███████
This does not affect the argument. The campaign could just advertise the ways of making vegetables more appetizing that do not diminish their ability to help prevent cancer. “Some” could just mean that one method of preparation diminishes vegetables’ cancer-preventing abilities.
People who find █ ███ ██████████ ██████████ █████████ ██ ███ ███ █████████████ ████ ██████████ ████ ██ ██████ ███ ███████ ███ █████ ██ ████ ███████████
This does not affect the argument. There is no reason to suggest that liking a few vegetables would make you eat substantially more vegetables than someone who doesn’t like most vegetables.
People who dislike ███ █████ ██ ████ ██████████ █████ ███ ████ ████ ██████████ ██ ████ ████ ███ ██ ████ ████ ████ ███████████
This strengthens the argument. It provides evidence to believe that including information on how to make vegetables appetizing in the campaign would increase its effectiveness, as people would eat many more vegetables.
The only way ██ ████ ███ ████████ ██ ███ ██████ ██ ███ ████ ██████████ ████ █████████ █████ ██ ██ ██████ ████ ██████ ███ ██ ███████ ████████ ███ █████ ██ ███████ ██████████ ██████ ██ ████ █████ ██████████ ███████████
This weakens the argument by offering a very specific circumstance under which the campaign’s effectiveness would increase. The author doesn’t argue that vegetables must be appetizing, only that they should be made more appetizing (e.g., from horrible tasting to a little bad).