One of the more striking developments in modern North American dance was African American choreographer Katherine Dunham's introduction of a technique known as dance-isolation, in which one part of the body moves in one rhythm while other parts are kept stationary or are moved in different rhythms. The incorporation of this technique into North American and European choreography is relatively recent, although various forms of the technique have long been essential to traditional dances of certain African, Caribbean, and Pacific-island cultures. Dunham's success in bringing dance-isolation and other traditional techniques from those cultures into the mainstream of modern North American dance is due in no small part to her training in both anthropological research and choreography.
As an anthropologist in the 1930s, Dunham was one of the pioneers in the field of dance ethnology. Previously, dance had been neglected as an area of social research, primarily because most social scientists gravitated toward areas likely to be recognized by their
Starting in 1935, Dunham conducted a series of research projects into traditional Caribbean dance forms, with special interest in their origins in African culture. Especially critical to her success was her approach to research, which diverged radically from the methodology that prevailed at the time.
Between 1937 and 1945, Dunham developed a research-to-performance method that she used to adapt Caribbean dance forms for use in theatrical performance, combining them with modern dance styles she learned in Chicago. The ballets she created in this fashion were among the first North American dances to rectify the exclusion of African American themes from the medium of modern dance. Her work was thus crucial in establishing African American dance as an art form in its own right, making possible future companies such as Arthur Mitchell's Dance Theater of Harlem.
The passage suggests that the author would be most likely to agree with which one of the following statements about the
They were partly correct in recommending that Dunham change her methods of data collection, since injury sustained during fieldwork might have compromised her research.
We have no reason to think that the author believes the colleagues were “partly correct.” The author says that their view about how to gather data was “
They were partly correct in advising Dunham to exercise initial caution in participating in the Caribbean dances, since her skill in performing them improved with experience.
We have no reason to think that the author believes the colleagues were “partly correct.” The author says that their view about how to gather data was “
They were incorrect in advising Dunham to increase the degree of her detachment, since extensive personal investment in fieldwork generally enhances scientific rigor.
“Generally enhanced scientific rigor” isn’t supported. We have no reason to think the author believes personal involvement in one’s research improves scientific rigor. Although the research thinks such personal involvement doesn’t always harm scientific rigor, this isn’t the same as thinking such involvement improves scientific rigor.
They were incorrect in assuming that researchers in the social sciences are able to gather data in an entirely objective manner.
This is the best answer. The author believes their view is “fortunately recognized as unrealistic.” What was their view? That effective data gathering can and must be conducted from a position of complete detachment. This implies the author thinks data gathering cannot be done from a position of complete detachment.
They were incorrect in assuming that dance could be studied with the same degree of scientific rigor possible in other areas of ethnology.
The colleagues didn’t assume that dance could be studied with the same kind of rigor as other areas of ethnology. The idea of rigor is raised in P2 in connection with why dance ethnography had been neglected.