Talbert: Conclusion Chess is beneficial for school-age children. ██ ██ ██████████ ██████████ █████████ ███ ███████ █████████ ███ ███████████ █████████████ ████████████ ███ ██████████████ ██ ██████ ██ ████████ ██████ █████████
██████ ██ █████████ ██ ████████ █████ ██ ████████ ██ ████ ██ ███████ ██████ ████████ ████ █████████ ████ ████████ ██████ ████ ██ ████████ ████ █████████ ████ ███ ██ ████████ ██████
Talbert claims that chess is good for children (and we can reasonably assume from this that we should teach children chess). Why? Because it teaches the children mental maturity. And how does it do that? By encouraging skills like foresight and logical thinking, and discouraging flaws like carelessness, inattention, and impulsiveness.
Sklar’s argument supports the unstated conclusion that we should not spend time teaching chess to children. Why not? Because the mental resources that children spend on chess could instead be used on more socially valuable pursuits like science.
We need to find a point of disagreement. Talbert and Sklar disagree about whether we should teach children chess.
Talbert's and Sklar's statements provide ███ █████████ ███████ ███ ███████ ████ ████ ████████ ████ ████ █████ ████ ███████
chess promotes mental ████████
many activities promote ██████ ████████ ████ ██ ████ ██ █████ ████
chess is socially ████████ ███ ███████ ██ ███
children should be ██████ ██ ████ █████
children who neither ████ █████ ███ █████ ███████ ███ ████████ ████████