Conclusion Joshi is clearly letting campaign contributions influence his vote in city council. ███ ████████ ███ ███████████ ███ ████████ ████ █████████ ███████ ████ ████████ ██████████ ████ ███ █████ ████ ███████████ ████ ███ ████ ████ ███ █████ ████████████ ███ ██████ ██████ ██████ ███ █████████ ██ ████████ ███████████
The author concludes that Joshi’s vote is being influenced by campaign contributions. This is based on the fact that Joshi’s re-election campaign has received more money from property developers than any other city councilor’s campaign. In addition, Joshi’s voting record favors property developers’ interest more than does the voting record of any other city councilor.
The author assumes that Joshi’s favorable voting record for the property developers is a result of campaign contributions from the developers. But we don’t know which came first. It’s possible the developers contribute to Joshi because of Joshi’s votes. This opens the possibility that Joshi’s votes aren’t influenced by the contributions; he might be voting favorably to the developers for other reasons.
The reasoning in the argument ██ ████ ██████████ ██ █████████ ██ ███ ███████ ████ ███ ████████
takes for granted ████ ███████ ███████ ██████ ████████ █████████████ ███ ███████ ██████ ██████ ███ █████ ██████
confuses one thing's █████ █████████ ███ ███████ ██ █████ ████ ███ █████ ██████████ ██ ████ ██ █████
makes a moral ████████ ████ ████ █ ███████ ████████ ███ ██ █████████
presumes that one █████ ██ ███ █████ ██ ███████ ████ ██ █████ ██████ ██ ██ ██████ ██ ██
has a conclusion ████ ██ ██████ █ ███████████ ██ ███ ██ ███ ██████████ ██████ ████████