Candidate: Support In each election in the last ten years, the candidate who supported property tax reform received a significant majority of the votes in the northeastern part of my district. ██ ██ █████ ████ ██ ██ ████████ ███ █████ ████ ███ ███████████ ███████ ██ ██████ ███ ██ ███████ ████████ ███ ███████ ██████████ ██ █████ ██ ███████ ██████████ ██████ ██ ███ ████████████ ████ ██ ██ ████████ ███████ ██████████ ██████ ██████████ ███ █ ████ ██ ██ ██ ██ ██ ██ ██████ ██ ████████ ████████ ███ ███████
The author concludes that by going on record as favoring property tax reform, she can attract additional voters in the northeastern part of the district without alienating voters elsewhere. This is based on the fact that in each election over the past 10 years, the candidate who supported property tax reform received a majority of the votes in the northeastern part of the district. No other part of the district has a detectible voting pattern for or against property tax reform.
The author assumes that the correlation between gaining a majority of votes in the northeastern part of the district and supporting property tax reform is explained by a causal relationship between the support and the votes. But the support for property tax reform might have had nothing to do with why the candidate got votes.
The reasoning in the candidate's ████████ ██ ████ ██████████ ██ █████████ ██ ███ ███████ ████ ███ █████████
would not attempt ██ █████ ████████ ███ ██████ ██ ███████
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draws a conclusion █████ ██████ ██ ████ ████ ███ ███ █████ ███