Conclusion Statistical records of crime rates probably often reflect as much about the motives and methods of those who compile or cite them as they do about the actual incidence of crime. βββ ββββββ βββ βββββββββββ βββββ ββ βββββ ββ ββββββ βββ ββββββββββ ββ βββββ βββ βββββββ ββ ββββββββββ βββββ ββ ββββ βββ ββββ βββ β ββββββ βββββββββ βββββββββββ βββ βββββββ βββββ βββββ ββ βββ βββββββ ββ ββββββββ ββββ ββ ββββββ ββ βββββββ βββββββββββ ββ βββββββ βββββ ββββββββββββββ βββββ ββββββββββ ββ ββββββββ βββββββββββ
The author concludes that crime statistics likely reveal as much about the motives of those who report them as they do about actual crime rates. She supports this with three examples: police may underreport or overreport crime to influence their image or budget; politicians may exaggerate or downplay crime to help their campaigns; and newspapers may sensationalize crime to boost readership.
The author supports her conclusion by providing three examples that demonstrate its truth.
Analysis by EleanorRoberts
The argument proceeds by doing βββββ βββ ββ βββ ββββββββββ
evaluating evidence for βββ βββββββ βββ ββββββββββ
citing examples in βββββββ ββ βββ ββββββββββ
deriving implications of β ββββββββββββββ ββββ ββ βββββββ ββ ββ ββββ
enumerating problems for βββββ ββ ββββββββ β βββββββ ββββββββ
showing how evidence ββββ ββββββββββ βββββββββββ βββ ββββββββββ ββββββββ ββββββββ ββββ ββββββββββ